The second wave of WJS has continued and extended the groundbreaking work carried out through a pilot study in 2007-2011. Breaking all records in comparative communication research, the study brought together researchers from 67 countries from around the world. In an unprecedented collaborative effort, the researchers participating in the project have interviewed over 27,500 journalists based on a common methodological framework. The study’s questionnaire elicited views of journalists on several issues journalists and news organizations face today, such as journalism’s place in society, ethics, autonomy and influences on newsmaking, journalistic trust in public institutions, and the transformation of journalism in the broadest sense. A range of data tables with aggregated country scores on selected key variables are available for download here.
Conceptual Framework
Journalism as Discursive Institution
The conceptual framework of the Worlds of Journalism Study is grounded in the idea of discursive institutionalism. We argue that journalism (1) is a social institution that (2) is discursively (re)created.
Social institutions are understood as humanly devised constraints to create order and reduce uncertainty. Journalism’s institutional framework is made up of rules, conventions and practices that are both limiting and enabling, constraining and constitutive. They include formal structures (e.g., press laws or work contracts) as well as informal rules and procedures, such as customs, traditions, taboos, and codes of conduct. Young journalists mostly learn and understand these rules in terms of a cultural consensus as to “how we do journalism” rather than as explicit rules of conduct. In other words, the institution of journalism is the shortcut through which journalists navigate the complexities and uncertainties of news making.
Like other social institutions, journalism does not exist independently of human cognitive and communicative faculties. Journalism exists because and as we talk about it. In order to be intelligible, the norms, values and practices of journalism are part of a wider framework of meaning – of a discourse. At the core of this discourse is journalism’s identity and locus in society. Thus, we believe that journalism as an institution and its relationship with larger society is never static; it is subject to discursive (re)creation, (re)interpretation, appropriation, and contestation. It is exactly this ongoing discourse that produces different variants of journalism – within and across countries and news organizations.
Journalistic Culture as Discursive Articulation
The above variants populate the universe of journalism; they make up the “worlds of journalism” – an idea that has obviously contributed to the very name of the study. We use the notion of journalistic culture to denominate the differential articulations and manifestations of forms of journalism. Journalistic cultures become discernable in the way journalists think and act; they can be defined as particular sets of ideas and practices by which journalists legitimate their role in society and render their work meaningful for themselves and others.
As any other culture, journalistic culture exists in three general states of manifestation: as sets of ideas (values, attitudes and beliefs), as practices (of doing news), and as artifacts (news content). For the purpose of the Worlds of Journalism Study, we have selected five themes in order to make meaningful cross-cultural comparisons: journalistic roles, journalistic ethics, and journalistic trust (intrinsic dimensions) as well as perceived influences and editorial autonomy (extrinsic dimensions; see Figure).
Journalistic roles articulate journalism’s identity and position vis-Ã -vis society and broader public expectations.
Journalistic ethics is relate to journalists’ reporting practices, which hark back to a broader social consensus about what is generally believed to be morally desired and justifiable practice.
Journalistic trust tells a story about journalism’s relationship with social institutions, as journalists act as intermediaries between institutions and the public.
Perceived influences refer to journalists’ individual perceptions of the various forces that shape the process of news production.
Editorial autonomy is conceptualized as the self-perceived latitude journalists have in carrying out their occupational duties.
Determinants of Journalistic Culture
It has been a fundamental premise of the Worlds of Journalism Study that the discourse of journalism cannot be understood in isolation from its very contexts. In order to systematically assess these contextual forces in a consistent manner, we defined three hierarchical layers of influence – the individual, organizational and societal levels. We feel that such a model neatly maps onto the hierarchical organization of news work. Journalists work within newsrooms, and newsrooms are “nested” within countries.
The individual level matters because journalists constantly have to make perceptional decisions. Potential determinants on this level originate from journalists’ personal and professional backgrounds, their occupational and political orientations, as well as from their specific roles and position within the news organization.
The organizational level is relevant because despite the growing presence of freelancers, most news is still produced within highly organized contexts, notably within the newsroom and media organization. Known sources of organizational influence are media ownership, revenue structures, profit expectations, editorial policy, the allocation of time and editorial resources, and newsroom culture.
The societal level has long been recognized as a force that substantially shapes journalism culture in a variety of ways, most notably with regards to the relevant social, cultural and ideological contexts within which journalists work.
The empirical locus of a journalistic culture depends on the corresponding level of aggregation: groups of journalists sharing similar occupational views represent journalistic milieus; journalists working in the same newsroom often share and produce a specific organizational journalistic culture; and disparities between journalists from different countries engender national journalistic cultures.
Methodological Framework
The recent wave of the WJS is based on a common methodological framework to allow for tight, cross-national comparison. The framework was collaboratively developed by the members of the network in 2010 and 2011. The WJS Center at the LMU Munich has centrally coordinated the field work.
The methodological framework was turned into a Field Manual that contained specific instructions about the most crucial aspects of the study. The instructions required all participating teams to conduct representative surveys of working journalists from all kinds of media and news beats. Country samples had to stay within a maximum error margin of five percent in order to be accepted for the WJS. Sampling strategies varied across countries depending on contextual conditions (availability of media directories or of lists of journalists, etc.).
All national teams were required to use the same questionnaire, which they translated into their respective languages. The master questionnaire contained mandatory key questions as well as optional items. National teams were free to add their own questions to the questionnaire. The WJS Center has prioritized methodological integrity over territorial coverage. As a consequence, a number of countries were excluded from the Study, as their questionnaires and field procedures deviated substantively from the common methodological framework.
The WJS Center in Munich centrally coordinated data processing and cross-validation. The Center checked all incoming data for errors, inconsistencies, and data fraud. A Data Sharing Protocol rules the conditions with regard to data ownership, data management and protection, and data sharing.
Argentina:Adriana Amado (National University of Matanza)
Brazil:Sonia Virginia Moreira (Rio de Janeiro State University); Letícia Matheus (Rio de Janeiro State University); Marcio Castilho (Fluminense Federal University)
Chile:Claudia Mellado (Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Valparaiso)
Colombia:Jesús Arroyave (Universidad del Norte)
Ecuador:Martin Oller Alonso (Universidad de las Américas); Palmira Chavero (Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales)
El Salvador:Jose Luis Benitez (Universidad Centroamericana)
Mexico:Sallie Hughes (University of Miami); Mireya Márquez (Universidad Iberoamericana)
Greece:Dimitra Dimitrakopoulou (Aristotle University of Thessaloniki)
Iceland: Guðbjörg Kolbeins (University of Iceland); Birgir Guðmundsson (University of Akureyri); Ragnar Karlsson (University of Iceland); Kjartan Ólafsson (University of Akureyri); Friðrik Þór Guðmundsson (University of Iceland); Helga Ólafs (University of Iceland); Valgerður Jóhannsdóttir (University of Iceland); Þorbjörn Broddason (University of Iceland)
Ireland:John O’Sullivan (Dublin City University); Kevin Rafer (Dublin City University)
Italy:Sergio Splendore (Università degli Studi di Milano)
Netherlands:Liesbeth Hermans (Windesheim University of Applied Sciences/Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen)
Norway:Jan Fredrik Hovden (University of Bergen)
Portugal:Rui Novais (University of Porto)
Spain:Rosa Berganza Conde (Universidad Rey Juan Carlos)
Sweden:Monica Löfgren Nilsson (University of Gothenburg)
Switzerland:Vinzenz Wyss (Zürcher Hochschule für Angewandte Wissenschaften); Annik Dubied (University of Neuchâtel)
UK:Neil Thurman (LMU Munich)
USA:Tim Vos (University of Missouri); Stephanie Craft (University of Illinios, Urbana-Champaign)
Data & Key Tables
Aggregated scores for key variables
(Country mean scores, standard deviations, and percentages)